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How the Epstein scandal claimed Britain’s ‘Prince of Darkness’

LONDON — Peter Mandelson was always a high-risk appointment as Britain’s ambassador to Donald Trump’s Washington, but nobody knew it would end quite like this.

The gregarious, ultra-wily political operative with a storied career in British politics and international lobbying carried with him some extremely heavy baggage.

Even in Keir Starmer’s Downing Street there were major concerns about giving Mandelson the plum — and crucial — diplomatic job of fostering relations with a MAGA world that’s largely alien to Britain’s center-left administration, at a time when economic growth-spurring trade and peace in Ukraine and the Middle East were at stake.

Perhaps the biggest surprises are that it took little more than six months for the man nicknamed the “Prince of Darkness” to be dismissed, once again, in disgrace — and just days before the second state visit to Britain that Trump has long desired. And that it was his association with the late convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein, in a scandal that continues to swirl around rich and powerful men including Trump himself, that prompted the defenestration.

In disastrous timing for a prime minister already trying to recover from a series of setbacks, Starmer sacked Mandelson on Thursday morning after initially standing by him as details of the ambassador’s friendship with Epstein came out in U.S. document releases this week, arguing that newly leaked emails show his support for Epstein even after his conviction for soliciting sex from a minor went far deeper than known at the time of his appointment in December. 

Trump, who has denied apparent evidence that he, too, was fond of Epstein in the past, was irritated by the handling of Mandelson’s dismissal, said one person informed of White House discussions. He was displeased not to have been informed personally by Starmer and is apprehensive about anything that could overshadow his state visit next week, this person said.

POLITICO has conducted more than a dozen interviews with officials in London and Washington in recent months to build up a picture of Mandelson’s ambassadorship, many of whom were granted anonymity to speak freely.

The picture they painted was that Mandelson was mounting the mother of all charm offenses, which looked set to work — as long as nobody mentioned Epstein.

Picking a prince

Starmer never seemed enthusiastic about picking Mandelson as his envoy and was always “lukewarm” about the prospect, as one person with inside knowledge of No. 10 put it.

Instead, Mandelson was strongly favored by the prime minister’s powerful chief of staff, Morgan McSweeney, who was handed one of his first jobs in the Labour Party by Mandelson, back in 2005.

“There was no standout candidate from the diplo service, Mandelson and McSweeney let it be known they wanted it to be him — and hey presto,” said one former senior diplomat.

For the most part, British ambassadors do not tend to be household names. | Andy Rain/EPA

Two people with knowledge of the workings of No. 10 said that McSweeney continued to consult with Mandelson on a regular basis after he took office in D.C. While ambassador, Mandelson was also seen visiting Downing Street on a number occasions, even attending an emergency meeting the day before Israel bombed Iran.

For the most part, British ambassadors do not tend to be household names. They are typically career civil servants who move through the world anonymously, carrying out their duties with discretion.

Mandelson could have hardly been more different. He first rose to the highest rung of British politics in the late 1990s as Prime Minister Tony Blair’s trusted lieutenant, responsible for honing the slick image of the restyled New Labour party.

But Mandelson was forced to resign from the Blair Cabinet — twice — over his connections to powerful figures with money. 

First he quit as trade and industry secretary over an undeclared loan he took from a wealthy colleague to buy a London house. Mandelson was later invited back as Northern Ireland secretary only to quit after it became known he had intervened on behalf of a billionaire Indian-born businessman who was seeking British citizenship.

Unlike others before him, when his name was first mentioned in connection with the job of ambassador, it came with a string of associations — center-left Europhile, champion of globalism and friend of China — none of which seemed likely to endear him to Trump. 

In addition, he was a “main character” of British politics: A recognizable name who attracts the buzz of gossip emanating from both firm supporters and sworn enemies — supposedly the sort of thing Starmer hates most about Westminster, with his lawyerly disdain for intrigue and personality politics.

But Mandelson was forced to resign from the Blair Cabinet — twice — over his connections to powerful figures with money. | Martyn Hayhow/EPA

Despite the factors counting against him, Mandelson appeared to make real gains and got himself on the right side of Trump.  The ambassador made a concerted effort to reach his toughest audience, the MAGA diehards, by courting outriders individually and visiting the popular right-wing Capitol Hill hangout Butterworth’s.

As Peter Westmacott, former British ambassador in Washington, put it to POLITICO back in July: “With Donald Trump in the White House, the ambassador also has to be known to and appreciated by the president. So far, Lord Mandelson seems to have got that just right.”

It was by no means a simple relationship. Trump has been heard to describe Mandelson as “a sneaky guy,” according to one official present during conversations with the president.

Moreover, the president is visibly annoyed by any mention of Epstein, as the row over the release of thousands of files relating to his former friend threatens to derail his domestic agenda. Trump’s team were “nervy” about anything that could resurface it, according to the same official.

Publicly though, the president lavished Mandelson with praise.

On the day London and D.C. agreed a tariff-reducing trade deal in May, the ambassador was welcomed to the Oval Office for the big announcement. Mandelson improvised jokes with the president, who in turn called him “good-looking” and praised his “beautiful accent.”

A scandal reignites

The pictures couldn’t have been any more embarrassing. There was Mandelson wearing a bath robe laughing away with Epstein. A birthday note accompanying the images showed Mandelson gushing over his “best pal.”

The British ambassador had featured extensively in the “birthday book” allegedly compiled for Epstein back in 2003. In fact, Mandelson’s appearance in the same file released by the U.S. House Oversight Committee comes just pages before the notorious note that Trump denies having written.

Even as news of the president-engulfing scandal broke across the world Mandelson remained “completely unruffled” and “at ease,” according to one person who was with the British diplomat that night.

Indeed, Mandelson’s next move was to take to the media in his fight to stay in post. He gave an interview to The Sun, saying his association with Epstein had long been “an albatross around my neck.”

He expressed sympathy with the financier’s victims, but also sorrow for himself, saying he felt “profoundly upset that I was taken in” by a “charismatic criminal liar.” 

It was a marked change from February when, asked about Epstein in a Financial Times interview, Mandelson snapped: “I’m not going to go into this. It’s an FT obsession and frankly you can all fuck off. OK?”

Donald Trump has been heard to describe Mandelson as “a sneaky guy,” according to one official present during conversations with the president. | Pool photo by Bonnie Cash/EPA

Back then it seemed a topic he could be combative over. That was before the president’s own supporters ensured the Epstein scandal shot back up in the public conscience, amid a vociferous push within the MAGA movement for more files they hope will expose the extent of the billionaire’s wrongdoing, and just how close he was to so many people in power.

On Wednesday, Starmer issued a defense of Mandelson during prime minister’s questions, saying he retained confidence in the ambassador who was “playing an important role” in transatlantic relations.

But less than nine hours later and Mandelson’s position became untenable. Bloomberg published an investigation based on more than 100 emails between the ambassador and Epstein. In them, Mandelson suggested Epstein’s 2008 conviction for soliciting a child for prostitution was wrongful and needed to be challenged. 

“I think the world of you and I feel hopeless and furious about what has happened,” Mandelson wrote. “I can still barely understand it. It just could not happen in Britain.”

Still, into the early hours of Thursday, Mandelson continued to insist to anyone who spoke to him that he would not be quitting. 

For Starmer, another high-profile departure was the last thing he needed.

After returning from the summer break he sought to fight back against poor polling numbers and declared his administration to have entered “phase two” of its quest to rejuvenate Britain. Immediately afterward, he lost his deputy prime minister, Angela Rayner, after she admitted paying too little tax on the purchase of a home.

Keir Starmer requested his new Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper withdraw him as ambassador, citing the “additional information” in the leaked emails. | Pool photo by Neil Hall/EPA

“Even yesterday all the prime minister’s advisers were saying we need to sack him — apart from Morgan. Everyone was like, this is looking really bad for the prime minister and Morgan was like, no, we need to defend him,” said one person well-connected with No. 10 in the aftermath of the sacking.

It was mid-morning Thursday, shortly before a Foreign Office minister was to face the prospect of having to defend Mandelson in the House of Commons, that he was sacked. 

Starmer requested his new Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper withdraw him as ambassador, citing the “additional information” in the leaked emails.

“The emails show that the depth and extent of Peter Mandelson’s relationship with Jeffrey Epstein is materially different from that known at the time of his appointment,” the Foreign Office said in a statement.

Specter at the feast

The stakes for Trump’s state visit next week were already high, with the U.K. government expending every effort to lobby the U.S. behind the scenes on Ukraine, tariffs and a forthcoming tech partnership. 

The White House is now concerned the trip will be overshadowed by the whiff of scandal, according to the same person with knowledge of their discussions, and would like to see Mandelson’s successor appointed swiftly.

Mandelson’s predecessor, Karen Pierce, won plaudits for her efforts to woo Trump and he has demonstrated an ongoing affection for her by personally inviting her along to the banquet during the state visit.  | Justin Lane/EPA

James Roscoe, an experienced envoy, will take over as interim ambassador ahead of an appointment process, but will face fierce competition for the most coveted job in British diplomacy. 

Mandelson’s predecessor, Karen Pierce, won plaudits for her efforts to woo Trump and he has demonstrated an ongoing affection for her by personally inviting her along to the banquet during the state visit. 

Richard Moore, outgoing head of MI6, and Mark Sedwill, former national security adviser, are seen as the other front-runners. Valerie Amos, a former Labour politician and diplomat, has also been mentioned.

However, Downing Street will likely face pressure to consider a career mandarin who could be installed more quickly than a political appointment.

Mandelson may well be physically absent from proceedings — but his resignation will not stop the questions about Epstein during what’s shaping up to be a very awkward state visit.

Andrew McDonald and Dan Bloom contributed to this report.

LP Staff Writers

Writers at Lord’s Press come from a range of professional backgrounds, including history, diplomacy, heraldry, and public administration. Many publish anonymously or under initials—a practice that reflects the publication’s long-standing emphasis on discretion and editorial objectivity. While they bring expertise in European nobility, protocol, and archival research, their role is not to opine, but to document. Their focus remains on accuracy, historical integrity, and the preservation of events and individuals whose significance might otherwise go unrecorded.

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