BRUSSELS ― Ursula von der Leyen comfortably overcame her critics ― but her relationship with the European Parliament will never be the same again.

In one of the most politically bruising weeks of her second term, the European Commission president faced down two motions of no confidence as well as a rebellion by lawmakers in her own conservative party.

She remains safely in her job, and even came out of the fight with strengthened support, but there’s a price to pay. She’ll now have to take the Parliament — long considered the weakest of the EU’s three main institutions — much more seriously than she, or her predecessors, have done before. And Parliament’s voice is getting stronger just as far-right groups, like Patriots for Europe, are becoming more influential in the chamber.

For lawmakers who have struggled for years to be given the same consideration as national leaders in the European Council, the spectacle of von der Leyen humbly vowing to take their views into account is a victory. It coincides with the recent revision of the framework agreement between the Commission and Parliament, which gave the elected assembly slightly more oversight over the Commission — useful for Parliament President Roberta Metsola to showcase the modest concessions she scored, and even more useful for von der Leyen to show MEPs she cares about them.

“MEPs are steadily increasing their grip on lawmaking by holding the Commission to its treaty obligations,” said Andrew Duff, a former European lawmaker and co-author of the EU’s Lisbon Treaty. “This is much more important than posturing censure motions.”

Kid gloves

But for von der Leyen, who’s also battling pushback from EU leaders like German Chancellor Friedrich Merz over her plans for a “drone wall” to fend off Russian air incursions, the more assertive Parliament is a problem, because she has to fight on two fronts to keep her agenda on track.

She gave heed to the new power dynamic Monday when, responding to critiques from the far-right and far-left leaders who tabled the motions against her, she struck a conciliatory tone.

Gone were the defiant notes of her speech to Parliament in July, when she accused the sponsors of a no-confidence motion of being puppets of Russian President Vladimir Putin. This time von der Leyen was wearing kid gloves.

Parliament’s grievances “come from a place of genuine and legitimate concern,” she said.

The softer tone may have to do with the realization that it’s not just fringe politicians challenging her, but members of her own political tribe. The motions not only dented von der Leyen’s image but also gave her Socialist and liberal allies a perfect opportunity to air their frustrations, showing Europe that Brussels is not immune to the political instability hitting the continent.

The Socialists & Democrats, for example, have doubled down on their demands, with prominent German lawmaker René Repasi telling POLITICO’s EU Confidential podcast that von der Leyen has six months to deliver on her promises to the group, or it could put forward its own censure motion.

Von der Leyen “has to deliver,” Repasi said.

They always fall in line

An even bigger headache for the Commission president is that lawmakers in her own political group, the conservative European People’s Party, are rebelling against a long-term budget plan she presented in July. While not unprecedented ― the EPP sank big chunks of von der Leyen’s green agenda last year ― such defiance shows her political family growing more assertive.

Even so, diplomats still argue that when it comes to the pecking order of EU institutions, the Council, with its national leaders, still reigns supreme.

“I don’t believe in this new Parliament, sorry,” said one diplomat who was granted anonymity to speak frankly. “They can threaten, but when a leader picks up the phone, they always fall in line.”

A case in point: Despite threatening to torpedo von der Leyen’s omnibus bill, the socialists fell into line after Merz asked his Spanish counterpart, Pedro Sanchez, to rein in his fellow socialists.

Indeed, despite the Parliament’s assertiveness, the EU’s pecking order remains more or less
intact. That won’t be much comfort to von der Leyen.

Max Griera and Sarah Wheaton contributed reporting.