Yulia Navalnaya is an economist and a Russian opposition leader, and the widow of Alexei Navalny.

If I had to describe the movement that my husband Alexei Navalny created in just a few words, I’d say this: We are a pro-European movement.

We believe Russia is an inseparable part of European civilization, and that the European model of development is the one best suited for our country.

From this comes our conviction that the dark years of Putinism are not an historical inevitability but an aberration. And that when the regime of Vladimir Putin ends, Russia will have the chance to return to the European path.

But what does this “European path” actually mean? From Hungary to Portugal, Sweden to Greece, Europe is vast and diverse. Its nations differ in both governance and their political evolution.

Moreover, 2025 has been a year of hard tests for the continent’s countries, even by recent standards. Putin’s war against Ukraine continues, and the EU faces intense political pressure both from without and within. Economically, the situation is also far from ideal, as EU countries are forced to sharply increase their spending on defense and security, giving new ammunition to populists of every stripe.

Things that seemed self-evident until recently, now appear more uncertain. Marginal views on fundamental issues — from humanist values to migration, environmental policies, minority rights and relations with dictatorships — are suddenly being expressed from the highest platforms. Not long ago, this would have been unthinkable.

When Alexei Navalny spoke of the “Beautiful Russia of the Future,” he envisioned a peaceful, democratic, prosperous European country. But what does it mean to be a European country today?

Despite all its internal challenges, contradictions and disagreements, Europe has always been — for me and for many Russians — a symbol of well-being.

After World War II, Europe became a remarkable example of a progressive society built on mutual respect. Racism, colonialism, militarism, imperialism and, above all, the rejection of democracy and human rights became unacceptable. And the values enshrined in the European Convention on Human Rights served as a guiding light for movements fighting dictatorships around the world — including in Russia, inspiring Soviet dissidents in their unequal and heroic struggle against Communist tyranny.

These same values have always been the essence of our own program, forming a consistent, rather than situational, opposition to Putin.

It is crucial to understand that our main disagreement with Putin is not tactical but value-based. I, my husband — who was murdered by Putin — and many of our allies opposed him long before he invaded Ukraine, at a time when he was welcomed in European capitals. And we will continue to oppose him if he remains in power in Russia when this terrible war ends.

We do not ask for anything extravagant or extraordinary. We simply want Russia to be a country that cares, first and foremost, about the dignity, rights and future of its people — just as European countries do. We want the same basic rights and freedoms that Europeans see as part and parcel to everyday life.

We fight for the primacy of human rights over the interests of the state.

We demand genuine freedom of speech and assembly, so that anyone who disagrees with the government can openly campaign and criticize without fear prison, exile or assassination — as happened to my husband.

We strive for democracy. For the right of any citizen to compete and win the trust of voters in free and fair elections.

We support federalism and local self-government, so that people can choose their representatives not only at the national level but also in their regions, cities and towns. In a multiethnic country like Russia, this is essential. Only through functioning self-governance can its peoples preserve their culture, language and identity.

We also fight for independent and fair courts.

We defend the right to private property. At the same time, we believe that a country as rich as Russia must be generous to its citizens, and that revenue from its natural resources must not be stolen by the ruling elite or spent on wars.

And, of course, we seek peace — because the very idea of waging war seems as absurd to us as it does to any normal European. We want Russia to be a good neighbor and a reliable partner to all countries around it, both East and West.

These are the European values that unite hundreds of millions of people, from Tallinn to Lisbon, despite all their visible differences and the polarization inherent in daily politics today.

Rule of law, not arbitrariness.

Respect for institutions, not personal whim.

A state that serves people, not people who serve the state.

As you can see, we aren’t radicals. We are all very different people in terms of our views, but we are united by one thing above all else: We are enemies of Putin’s regime, which has brought war, dictatorship, corruption and terror to our country. We oppose not just Putin personally but his entire authoritarian, anti-democratic, anti-parliamentarian, militarist, xenophobic and chauvinistic worldview. Putinism has no ideology — it is simply the denial of modern European civilization’s values.

We are normal Europeans who share fundamental European values.

When I speak with European politicians, they often ask what they can do to help our movement, our struggle against Putin and his war. My answer is simple: Be strong, principled and consistent. It is in our shared interest that Europe remains united and successful — only then can it stand up to the challenges of our time, including helping those still fighting for freedom. Europe is more than capable of resisting hypocrisy and double standards. It is more than capable of extending a hand to tens of millions of pro-European Russians — and helping that number grow.

This will ensure that the beautiful Russia of the future, for which Alexei Navalny gave his life, will be peaceful, democratic and prosperous — in other words, a normal European country.