LONDON — On a frozen sunny morning, half an hour’s drive from Belfast, a line of dignitaries from six Western Balkan states filed out of their chauffeur-driven cars and up the red carpet outside Hillsborough Castle in Belfast, Northern Ireland.

The official reason for this summit on the Western Balkans was to continue the “Berlin process,” a dialogue between countries in the region and Western European nations, designed to act as a counterweight to Russian influence.

While that aim is more urgent than ever, the U.K. had its own underlying objective for the summit, discussed between foreign ministers on the margins: agreeing on a migrant returns deal with a third country. 

Interior ministers from the same countries met again on Wednesday, and observers now believe an agreement could be struck when Balkan leaders convene next week in London, with Kosovo seen as the most likely option. 

Regardless of whether the deal comes off, it’s part of a concerted effort by newly minted Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper to rewire the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office to focus more closely on tackling irregular migration into the U.K.

It’s one of the hardest tasks Keir Starmer’s government has set itself, and one on which it expects to be harshly judged on at the next election. Nigel Farage’s anti-immigration Reform UK remains ahead of Labour in the polls.

Despite having escaped the Home Office, the U.K.’s beleaguered interior ministry, which conventionally handles migration, Cooper is paving the way to be judged on it all over again.

Cooper’s crusade

Since taking on the job of foreign secretary in last month’s reshuffle, Cooper has moved quickly to put her own stamp on one of the most rarefied parts of Whitehall. 

Although her predecessor, David Lammy, had tried to shift the department’s focus more heavily toward migration and security, he had a broader vision for the FCDO, saying he wanted Britain’s foreign policy to be rooted in “progressive realism.”

Explaining his doctrine, Lammy said a progressive realist foreign policy would aim for “just goals — for example climate change, defending democracy, and advancing the world’s economic development” rather than just accumulation of power.

Cooper, at least so far, seems determined to keep her focus more narrow. 

In advance of last week’s summit, the FCDO announced it would increase the number of staff working on the issue of migration, including drawing up sanctions on people smugglers and pursuing migrant returns agreements. 

Two officials, granted anonymity to speak candidly, said she also wants to break down silos in Britain’s embassies, where at present, FCDO staff are often stationed alongside Home Office staff, but don’t speak to one another.

She believes she has expertise to share with her counterparts as a veteran of the home affairs brief for the last nine years, first as select committee chair and then as shadow home secretary in opposition. 

“Other countries asking for her input as a former interior minister – they recognize it’s not just a U.K. but a global issue,” said one of the two officials. 

Cooper has already led on bilateral migration agreements from the Home Office, such as those recently struck with France and Germany, and appears intent on taking this role as international dealmaker with her.

Olivia O’Sullivan, director of the U.K. in the World program at Chatham House, said that while the work began under Lammy, “there’s a really clear push from government to make this a bigger priority.”

She added this was linked to a growing awareness “that we have to link our foreign policy to domestic priorities” as “we can’t just have foreign policy be something that happens in the corridors of power.”

An uphill battle

The shift in direction at King Charles Street comes against the backdrop of a wider existential crisis about what the department’s role should be. 

Long-held assumptions about Britain’s place in the world have been overturned or eroded, including Britain’s membership of the EU and its role as a bridge between Europe and its most important ally, the U.S.

Meanwhile, the development part of the FCDO’s remit is soon to be hit by a major reduction in spending on overseas aid, while the ministry as a whole is facing significant cuts. 

FCDO permanent secretary Olly Robbins told the foreign affairs committee in July that the department plans to reduce its workforce by up to 25 percent over the next three years.

Cooper also faces a rival base of diplomatic power within government, in the form of Jonathan Powell, Starmer’s national security adviser.

Powell has taken on outsized importance since joining Starmer’s Downing Street operation, playing a central and visible role in negotiations over the ceasefire in Gaza, efforts to end the war in Ukraine, and the notorious agreement on the Chagos Islands.

Some civil servants regard him privately as “the real foreign secretary.”

As Alex Thomas from the Institute for Government puts it: “You don’t appoint Jonathan Powell as national security adviser to stick to the narrow brief. What you’re buying with Jonathan Powell is a more expansive character who will range across the foreign policy piece.”

It’s unclear whether Cooper’s move to FCDO will move the dial on illegal migration. 

Tony Smith, a former director of the U.K. Border Force, said “we do need a removals deterrent,” but agreements of the kind already struck with France “will have to be ramped up a lot to get to a tipping point which is going to discourage more people from coming.”

Labour politicians have long been accused by opponents of shying away from the discussion around immigration — but that’s not the case for the new foreign secretary, as she actively pushes to keep it in her sights.

Noah Keate contributed to this report.