President Donald Trump’s hasty climbdown after weeks of threats about seizing Greenland from Denmark’s control has not done much to improve the fraying transatlantic relationship.
In fact, the bad feelings across Europe have only deepened as the president and other administration officials have, in ways large and small, continued to poke politicians and entire populations in the proverbial eye. The provocations come as European officials prepare for the Munich Security Conference this weekend where key topics will include the transatlantic relationship and whether the continent can stand on its own without Washington’s help.
A high-level European official similarly described a “change in mindset” that is taking place. “We’re forced to adopt a violent approach in our relationship with the US administration,” the official told POLITICO, explaining that Europeans are realizing that Americans increasingly seem to view Europe less like allies than rivals. “It has completely changed from the times when there was cooperation between us, now we’re in a power struggle.”
Amid the row over Greenland last month, Trump casually dismissed the sacrifice of NATO troops who fought beside U.S. forces in Afghanistan, leaving NATO allies “disgusted.” Subsequently, the U.S. embassy in Denmark, removed 44 small Danish flags that commemorated the Danes who died in Afghanistan — placed in response to Trump’s comments — fueling more anti-American demonstrations in Copenhagen.
News that American federal immigration agents would be on the ground providing security during the Winter Olympics in Milan sparked widespread fury throughout Italy, and boos serenaded Vice President JD Vance as he attended the opening ceremonies and events over the weekend.
“The message, the lack of respect for Europe, that’s been sent,” said a second high-level European official who, like others interviewed for this report, was granted anonymity to speak candidly about a sensitive diplomatic situation. “But they just can’t seem to help themselves from sending it again and again.”
And last week, the U.S. ambassador to Poland turned publicly hostile toward a Polish lawmaker who wouldn’t sign a petition backing Trump’s nomination for the Nobel Peace Prize, drawing a rebuke from Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk.
“Allies should respect each other, not lecture each other,” Tusk wrote in a post on X directed at the U.S. ambassador, Tom Rose.
Inside the White House, aides have largely moved on from the president’s Greenland fixation that took up so much oxygen in January. Asked about the supposed “framework” agreement Trump claimed to have secured in Davos to boost America’s military presence in Greenland, a senior White House official said only that they “hadn’t heard any updates on it.”
And there is scant evidence of concern about European’s hurt feelings or spiking anti-American sentiment across western Europe. Protests in Denmark, the official said, were “a non-issue. It’s not even on our minds anymore.”
But for Europe, Trump’s disrespect toward Greenland and Denmark and threats to violate the sovereignty of a NATO ally amounted to a near rupture of the transatlantic relationship. The additional nicks and cuts from these diplomatic dust-ups over the last couple of weeks have only hardened the resolve to permanently rethink decades of close alignment with Washington.
“Europeans are going through the 5th stage of grief,” said one French diplomat who asserted that acceptance has finally set in. “We now understand the U.S. administration is going to be difficult for the foreseeable future.”
The president’s oft-repeated declarations that “I love Europe” have rung hollow coming from an administration that has made its disdain for the continent so explicit — in speeches from both Trump and Vance, an official national security strategy and by imposing tough new policies on trade and defense.
In terms of the latest indignities, Trump’s belittling of the sacrifices made by NATO troops in Afghanistan “angered a different crowd from those upset about deploying ICE in Italy during the Olympics,” said a third high-level European official. “European leaders are more and more accepting that de-risking [from the U.S.] is unavoidable.”
There is, however, more shared agony than agreement among European leaders about how to de-risk — to diversify and deepen economic, security, and diplomatic relations with other countries to reduce their vulnerability to future unilateral American action — from a global hegemon that they’ve relied on so heavily for 80 years. The upcoming Munich Security Conference, the annual confab of transatlantic diplomatic and defense leaders, will provide an initial glimpse at where Europeans stand.
Heads of state are quickly shifting gears, hoping to lessen their reliance on the U.S. in order to limit their vulnerability against the actions of an unpredictable and occasionally hostile president. Threatened with higher tariffs, European leaders are looking to do more business with countries in South America and China. They’re rethinking agreements with American defense contractors and openly discussing the viability of NATO given America’s suddenly questionable commitment to Europe’s defense.
“There’s irreparable harm done,” said Ian Bremmer, the president of the Eurasia Group, a global risk assessment firm, who is frequently in contact with heads of state on multiple continents. “It doesn’t mean that the US can no longer be allies of these countries on the back of what happens in 2028 but the relationships will be different. The global order will be different. The U.S. will have lost a very significant amount of capital, of long term capital, with a lot of countries.”
Anti-American sentiment among Europeans has spiked in recent weeks. According to YouGov surveys tracking Europeans’ opinions of the U.S., large majorities of people in Denmark, France, Germany, Italy, Spain and Great Britain now have an unfavorable view of the U.S. More than 60 percent of the public in all six countries now see the U.S. in a negative light, including 72 percent of Germans and 84 percent of Danes, a marked uptick in just the last three months.
Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen has seen her approval ratings improve over her defiant response to Trump’s Greenland threats.
But a number of European leaders, even as they take steps to reduce their dependence on the U.S., still intend to maintain solid relationships with Trump and hope to work with the administration on a host of issues, including the ongoing efforts to end the war in Ukraine, or, at least, help the Ukrainians defend themselves.
German Chancellor Friedrich Merz, who has been among the European leaders more critical of Trump, is planning a trip to Washington next month.
“There are members of the press asking [heads of state and senior officials] every day why they’re not being tougher on Trump,” said a fourth European official. “That speaks to the swell of opposition to the U.S., and there is a political upside for politicians who can speak to it. But the reality is also that we all still need that relationship [with the U.S.] at least in the short term, so I think you’ll see most heads of state try to keep working with this White House.”
That described, among others, the strategy of Finland’s President Alex Stubb, who acknowledged in a speech to parliament last week that the U.S. “is changing” in its approach to longtime allies and its broader foreign policy, while still labeling America as “an important ally.” Stubb, who has built and maintained a close personal relationship with Trump, was nevertheless blunt in his assertion that the current administration’s foreign policy “is underpinned by an ideology that conflicts with our own values.”



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